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Showing posts with label Bush in Thailand. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Bush in Thailand. Show all posts

Monday, August 4, 2008

Softball Suthichai and The Decider

Interview of the President by Suthichai Sae-Yoon, the Nation Multimedia Group (Thailand)

July 30, 2008


2:25 P.M. EDT


Q You plan to deliver a major speech in Bangkok on Asia. Is that your farewell speech? What will be the main theme, sir?


THE PRESIDENT: A farewell speech will occur shortly before the next President is sworn in. This will be probably my last speech in the Far East.


Q What is the main theme?


THE PRESIDENT: The main theme is that the United States of America has got strategic interests in the Far East. This administration has worked hard to make sure we have good relations with all the countries of the Far East; that there are opportunities to work together to solve problems, there will be moments -- and it's -- the United States must stay engaged. I will talk about accomplishments, I'll talk about challenges. And I'm looking forward to giving it. It's interesting that I'm giving a speech about the whole Far East in Thailand.


Q Right. Why Thailand?


THE PRESIDENT: Well, because it's -- first of all, the assumption is that when you give a comprehensive speech in the Far East, it would be in, you know, China or Japan or, you know -- and Thailand is, one, a long-time friend; two, is an important part of ASEAN. In other words, there's -- the Far East is more than just the countries that dominate the news. And so, therefore, if you're going to give a comprehensive speech, you give it in a country that makes it -- just by the sight alone indicates how comprehensive the policy must be. In other words, you can't ignore other countries if you focus only on a few.


Q Right. You are also joining the celebration of 175 years --


THE PRESIDENT: -- 175 years.


Q -- of Thai-U.S. relations. At this juncture in history, why is Thailand still important to the United States?


THE PRESIDENT: Common values, close friends. Hopefully Thailand views us a reliable ally; we certainly view Thailand as a reliable ally. And, you know, it's just -- 175 years is a long time.


Q That's right -- always had been close related in all major challenges.


THE PRESIDENT: Absolutely.


Q Vietnam War --


THE PRESIDENT: Very much so. The Thai -- the Thai people were just fabulous, and always have been. And it's a great country, and it's a beautiful country with a great history and tradition, and I'm looking to going again.


Q What would be the single most important pillar in Thai-American relations, if you can cite one?


THE PRESIDENT: Democracy. And obviously we're pleased that democracy is still very much alive and well in Thailand. And I think democracy is "the" pillar -- and the government's respect for human rights and human dignity and individualism.


Q I understand that you are meeting some Burmese dissidents, too.


THE PRESIDENT: I am. Of course, I am. I will, as is my wife.


Q Yes, the First Lady has shown great concern about Aung San Suu Kyi.


THE PRESIDENT: Absolutely, and as should the world. Here is a very heroic woman that was elected overwhelmingly by her people, and has now been under house arrest by a group of military guys that just simply won't allow the will of the people to -- to flourish. And so we're concerned about that. And I do want to thank the Thai people and the Thai government for its humanitarian missions on the border. I think it's very constructive and very helpful. And I will be speaking to activists to let them know that the United States of America hears their voices. And, you know, it's a tough issue for some countries.


Q Will the First Lady meet the dissidents and also call for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi?


THE PRESIDENT: I'm sure she'll do that. I mean, she does that all the time. You know, I'm not sure exactly what her schedule is. You caught me off-guard about her schedule, but I can assure you it will be comprehensive and she'll make a very good impression.


Q Why haven't the sanctions against Burma worked?


THE PRESIDENT: Because not every country is applying them. And sanctions -- the idea of unilateral sanctions, they're effective only to a certain extent. And, therefore, other countries must also join, and, frankly, there's some countries in the neighborhood that aren't interested in joining.


Q Yes. You are going to Beijing Olympics.


THE PRESIDENT: Yes, sir.


Q What is the signal? Because some people say that you are going there as a sports fan, but are you going as a sports fan or as President of the United States?


THE PRESIDENT: I'm going as the President who happens to be a sports fan. (Laughter.)


Q Right.


THE PRESIDENT: No, the signal -- look, there's a couple of signals, and it's very important to understand. One is I don't think the Olympics should be politicized. I mean, it is a sporting event of the greatest caliber. Secondly, I am going out of respect for the people of China. This is a big deal for the Chinese people and I'm -- and that's why I'm going. Thirdly, I will have, and always have had, very frank and candid discussions with the Chinese government on a variety of issues.


And I'm confident that by showing respect to the people, to the Olympics, it will give me -- put me in a position to continue to having frank and candid discussions. It's -- when you show respect to a group of people, it gives you credibility when it comes time to discuss difficult issues. And we will discuss difficult issues in a very cordial and respectful way.


Q Yesterday you met five Chinese dissidents --


THE PRESIDENT: Yes, sir, I did.


Q And what did you tell them? Are you going to tell the Chinese leadership about their concerns?


THE PRESIDENT: Of course I will. I do it every time I meet -- oh, absolutely. I mean, their concern is religious freedom and political freedom. And I discuss religious freedom and political freedom with the Chinese leaders every time.


Q And they don't seem offended?


THE PRESIDENT: No, I don't think so, because they know it's done out of respect. It's done out of -- you know, in a way that I hope is -- in a way that they will listen. That's my whole point. If you treat a people with respect and when it comes time to discuss your differences, people will be more willing to listen. And, look, I'm the only President to have ever stood up in public with the Dalai Lama.


Q Right.


THE PRESIDENT: I told President Hu Jintao I was going to do that. He didn't like it, but I did it.


Q You did it anyway.


THE PRESIDENT: Yes, I did. And so my only point is there are moments of great opportunity for us to work together on a variety of fronts, and we have. And there are going to be moments of disagreement. But I've worked hard to make sure those moments of disagreement are done in such a way that it doesn't rupture relations, or doesn't embarrass somebody, or doesn't humiliate. And I think when people look at my presidency, when it's all said and done, they'll say, it's amazing that the Bush administration had good, strong relations with South Korea, Japan, China, Thailand, India. And I happen to believe that it's -- it enhances the stability of the region and helps all of us grow in a constructive way.


Q What is going to be your legacy?


THE PRESIDENT: Oh, I don't know. I'll be dead when they finally figure it out.


Q But what do you want history to remember you --


THE PRESIDENT: Somebody who took on tough challenges and didn't shy away from doing what he thought was right. And, you know, look, I'm a big believer in freedom and liberty. That's been a hallmark of my agenda. But I -- there's no such thing as short-term history, so I am very confident in telling you that I'll be long gone before somebody finally figures out the true merit and meaning of the Bush administration.


Q Were you impressed by the meeting between Secretary of State Condi with the North Korean representative in Singapore recently?


THE PRESIDENT: I thought it was -- what impressed me was that the foreign ministers all -- at the six-party talks all said the same thing to the North Korean: If you want to move forward, verify, honor your commitments; if you don't honor your commitments, then there will be additional sanctions and additional measures.


Q Are they positive?


THE PRESIDENT: The visits? Yes, I think they've been positive. There's just some fundamental questions. There's a lot of doubt as to whether or not the six-party talks will bear fruition. One thing is for certain: They destroyed their cooling tower. Everybody saw that.


Q Right, right.


THE PRESIDENT: But will they verify their plutonium programs and HEU programs and proliferation programs? I hope so. They said they would. Now, whether or not they put a verification regime in place that we can trust, we'll see.


Q Sir, last question -- is there life after the White House?


THE PRESIDENT: Absolutely. I'm only 62 years old.


Q What do you plan to do?


THE PRESIDENT: You know, I'm going to write; I'm going to share my experiences. I'm going to build a policy center and library at Southern Methodist University in Dallas, Texas. Hopefully I will contribute to mankind in positive ways. I haven't really had time to think about it because when you're the President of the United States you got a lot to think about day by day. But I'm looking forward to finishing strong and then I'm going home to Texas. That's where I was raised, that's where I'm from, and that's where I'm going to retire.


Q That's good, sir. Thank you very much.


THE PRESIDENT: Yes, sir.


No wonder The Nation is going broke. The company sent Suthichai, who probably spent hundreds of thousands of baht on a first class flight and hotel accommodations, to Washington to ask George Bush these dopey questions.


I'm surprised Suthichai didn't ask Bush: "Eh, you likee spicy food?" and "You wan' Thai massage?"


OK, if it were me, what would I ask George Bush.


1. I would have asked him what he thought about the coup. (Why did the US give nod and wink support for the coup?)


2. I would have asked him about his relationship with Thaksin. (They were supposed to be close personal friends at one time.)


3. I would have asked him about the CIA rendition flights and if the US ever had secret prisons in Thailand.


4. I would have asked what type of military and intelligence support the US is giving to Thailand in the South.


5. I would have asked if he thought Al Qaeda was operating in the South.


6. I would have asked him about terrorism in Southeast Asia.


7. I would have asked him about the Thai-US Free Trade Agreement and Compulsory Licensing.


8. I would have asked him why the US hasn't been engaged with ASEAN the last 7 years.


9. I would have asked him about China's influence in Southeast Asia, particularly in Burma.


10. I would have asked him why the US was impotent in getting support to the Burmese after the recent Cyclone.


I can actually think of another 20 questions not as worthless as Suthichai's softballs.


Larry King is retiring soon and The Nation is going broke. I think Larry might have found a replacement in Suthichai.

Sunday, August 3, 2008

George Bush's Iran-Contra and Thaksin's Dodgy Export-Import Bank Loan to Burma

US twist to Thaksin court case


By Peter J Brown


Asian Times

---

The Thai Ex-Im Bank loan case, however, is notable for its international dimension, including a US government role in financing Shin Satellite's business activities. During Thaksin's five-year tenure, his family-owned Shin Satellite, now known as Thaicom and majority-owned by Singapore's Temasek Holdings, developed and in 2005 launched a US$350 million satellite known as iPStar, which now beams satellite broadband services throughout Southeast Asia, China and Australia.

Myanmar's government allowed the company to run trials of IPStar's ground stations in 2003, providing the company a live but closed environment to test the technology without heavy market scrutiny. A portion of the 2004 Thai Ex-Im Bank loan to Myanmar was allegedly used to purchase those same Shin Satellite iPStar satellite terminals and other services.

Although the upcoming criminal case is expected to examine the terms of the loan and how it was allegedly devised to provide maximum benefits to Thaksin's family-owned Shin Corp, the US State Department as well as the US Export-Import Bank will be nervously watching the proceedings. That's because American taxpayers effectively helped to finance iPStar's construction by a US company, Space Systems/Loral, through roughly $190 million in US Ex-Im Bank loan guarantees. (The French government, which has also recently been a strong critic of Myanmar's regime, also provided loan guarantees for the launch services for the satellite.)

At the same time the Thai Ex-Im Bank approved its controversial loan to Myanmar in 2004, the actual satellite was still sitting on the ground in the US awaiting delivery by Loral to a launch facility in South America. Because of the Myanmar government's abysmal human rights record, US companies are legally forbidden by US government trade and investment sanctions from doing with the country any business that was not established before 1997.


Here is the Iran-Contra component. I'm not going to recap what happened during the Iran-Contra scandal during the 80's, but there was one component of the scandal where Ronald Reagan and his underlings were selling/giving arms to Iran, which is and was at that time a rogue terrorist state and an enemy of the US, and there were trade and investment sanctions against Iran.

This policy contradicted Reagan's "no negotiations with terrorists" policy and it broke the law regarding trading arms with Iran.


Questionable US role


In this particular case, and for unknown reasons, the US State Department and the US Ex-Im Bank stood by silently as the controversial iPStar transaction with Myanmar unfolded. This is much more than an awkward omission: the iPStar project was a high-profile affair from the start. Among other things the head of the US Ex-Im Bank traveled to London in 2003 to accept an award related to the project, which Shin Satellite executives at the time promised would revolutionize the global satellite business through greater transmission efficiency.


The writer should have been more clear on this. Now I am going to have to look up what happened.


Powerful members of the US Congress had a heated exchange with the US Ex-IM Bank in 2002 over how the satellite project was taking shape, although not over the possibility that its mission would benefit Myanmar's junta.


Why were members upset over this? Probably has to do with money. Though it seems that Loral is a bigger contributor to the Democratic Party than the Republican Party.


As the court case against Thaksin unfolds, the US Congress and even the White House, which in recent years has been strongly critical of Myanmar's military regime, including President George W Bush's own reference to the country as an "outpost of tyranny", will be left to answer how this transaction apparently slipped under their radar screens.


He won't answer for his hypocrisy, because the US media won't call him on it.


Days before the Thai Supreme Court announced its decision to hear the case, the US House of Representatives voted to freeze certain junta members' assets and ban the importation of all Myanmar-sourced jade and rubies to the US. American gem dealers had previously avoided trade sanctions by importing Myanmar gems from second countries which processed or in other ways added value to the raw stones.


I have to point out that the Republicans controlled Congress back in 2002 and the Democrats control Congress now. So it isn't surprising that there is a tougher sanctions policy. However, like I said, Loral, the manufacture of Ipstar, supports the Democrats over the Republicans.


The new measures are the latest of a wide range of trade and investment sanctions imposed by the US government against Myanmar. In 2007, Bush extended for another year the trade sanctions that were first signed by president Bill Clinton in 1997. Add to that list the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003, and another executive order on new investments in Myanmar signed by Bush that same year. The Bush administration's tough message to Myanmar's generals has been clear, while the gap dividing the US's and Thailand's policy towards the regime has grown ever larger.


Bush has been tough against Burma. No wonder that the junta is paranoid. However, it looks like Bush has egg on his face, just like Reagan, for financing a brutal authoritarian regime, despite the rhetoric and policy.


Indeed Shin Satellite and its iPStar satellite continue to make steady inroads into Myanmar. In early 2008, Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications announced that Thaicom had expanded its business ties through the signing of a pair of new capacity contracts. Thailand's new Thaksin-aligned government, led by prime minister Samak Sundaravej, announced earlier this year that the remaining portion of the 2004 Thai Ex-Im Bank loan would be handed over to Myanmar's generals, despite the political controversy surrounding the loan.


This is one area that Thaksin, Samak and the Thai military agree on. Keep supporting the Burmese junta with money, weapons and technology. Of course, the Thai media is weak in holding the government and military accountable for these policies.


The bottom line however is that Thaksin and his family are not the only ones feeling the legal heat. While the US State Department looked on, the US Ex-Im Bank wrote checks that effectively extended badly needed satellite services into Myanmar - and in apparent violation of the sanctions Washington has long imposed against the military regime.


This is a serious crime. This is actually more serious than the CTX and the Bangkok Film Festival scandals.


Now Myanmar's junta is likely using US-funded wireless broadband technology to perpetuate its repressive policies and harassment of pro-democracy groups. Not only does the oversight represent a shameful stain on US government accountability, it also sets back the broader cause of promoting human rights and democracy in military-run Myanmar.


I wonder if the Thai press or the US press corps traveling with Bush will ask him about this.

Of course not.

I found this case to be highly disturbing, considering Bush's strong stance against the Burmese regime. It won't be getting the attention it deserves in the mainstream US press.

Loral, the manufacturer of the Ipstar system, was actually investigated and fined for sharing its technology with China.

---


Concerning the US Export-Import Bank Component from a scathing article in the New York Times:


A Guardian of Jobs or a 'Reverse Robin Hood'?


By LESLIE WAYNE

Published: September 1, 2002

IT is hard to imagine why Thaksin Shinawatra, a billionaire who is Thailand's prime minister, would need a helping hand from the United States government for his family business, an Asian telecommunications giant called the Shin Corporation.


The Shin business empire, which Mr. Shinawatra founded and is still majority owned by his family, spreads from India to Indochina. It is Thailand's largest telecommunications company. But last May, to the consternation of competitors, Shin Satellite, a subsidiary, won a $160 million loan guarantee from the Export-Import Bank of the United States to buy a new telecommunications satellite and strengthen its grip in Southeast Asia.


For the bank, a Depression-era agency founded to promote exports, the rationale was simple. Loral Space and Communications, an American manufacturer run by Bernard L. Schwartz, a longtime Democratic Party donor, was Shin's supplier, and commercial banks, according to the bank, would not finance the deal without the loan guarantee.


Crying foul, Shin Satellite's competitors tried to block the deal in Congress. ''How is it that billionaires like Shinawatra and Bernie Schwartz can get the U.S. taxpayers to subsidize their deals?'' asked Franklin G. Polk, a lobbyist for New Skies Satellites, a rival based in the Netherlands that, like other companies, was able to get private financing, but not at the rates as low as Shin's government-backed loans.


How indeed?


Basically Thaksin borrowed money from the US government to finance his satellite empire, then used Thai taxpayer money to give to Burma to buy Shin Satellite services.

The Thai Export-Import Bank scam will be one of the cases that will probably put Thaksin in jail.

George Bush must feel comforted knowing that the US government financed Burma's use of American technology to hunt down and kill Burmese dissidents.