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Showing posts with label Chang Noi Watch. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Chang Noi Watch. Show all posts

Tuesday, May 1, 2007

Deconstructing Chang Noi: Judges' Charter

From People's Charter to Judges' Charter

Chang Noi

The Nation

Fear and loathing of elective democracy is the dominant theme of the new draft constitution.

Never again, the drafters hope, should real power be based upon the people's vote.


The reshaping of parliament is designed to produce fractious, corrupt politics that will condemn itself. The draft brings back the system of multi-member constituencies under which election candidates are in effect competing just as much against their own party colleagues as against their party opponents. Parties will be weakened. Elections will become more violent, with more deaths of canvassers caught in the increased complexity of local factionalism.


The 90-day rule is in effect abandoned. Wholesale merger of parties is banned, but the prelude to elections will revert to the old pattern of musical chairs and pre-election auctions of candidates with potential to win. To add to the fragmentation, the draft even explicitly absolves MPs from voting along party lines. The two-term limit for a prime minister will encourage corruption. Parliament will revert to the pattern of many small factions loosely aggregated into weak parties and constantly rearranged by money and opportunism into fragile coalition governments.


Sanan, Barnharn, Sanoh, Chavalit(if he pulls something together) are probably all rubbing their grubby little hands together, because now they can get back on the corruption gravy train they got kicked off during the Thaksin years.

So, in return for dumping Thaksin, we will get back a lovely mixture of the corrupt Chatichai years and the instability of the early 90's, which all culminated in coups and economic crises. I'm looking forward to the rest of the decade already.


Money quote:


In the eye of the drafters, this does not matter because parliament does not really matter. One of the most striking features of the charter is the expansion in size and scope of the section on Directive Principles of Fundamental State Policies. If you think that title has a whiff of documents emerging from the supreme council of some totalitarian state, you might have the right idea. In the old constitution, these principles were brief and vague. Nobody honestly took much notice of them. In this draft, this section has expanded from one page to eight. The coverage extends across security, administration, religion, society, education, culture, law, judicial matters, foreign affairs, economy, land, natural resources, environment, science, intellectual property and labour. The government is obliged to ensure that its policy statement presented to parliament accords with these principles, and is obliged to make an annual report to parliament on its progress

Most political observers predicted this would happen. Chang Noi and his buddy, Anek Laothamatas, predicted it back when I called them bigoted elitists here. I may have been wrong about the small pachyderm but I was right about Anek, who was probably whispering into Squadron Leader Prasong's ear and giving him a massage during all those drafting meetings.

So unelected, unaccountable judges will be calling the shots and protecting us from the dumb masses.

I think it is funny that so many got upset when they heard that there might be a provision for an unelected PM, yet a whole body of parliament, the Senate, will be unelected. And traditional legislative and executive powers will be handed over to the judiciary, which has no democratic accountability at all.

And Thai judges are not exactly philosopher kings, so I think we all may be in deep do do.


Bangkok Pundit goes on a nice rant about Judiocracy here.

Monday, April 16, 2007

Deconstructing Chang Noi: Hits Homerun with Column on Censorship

Inconvenient truths of censorship

Chang Noi

The Nation


Censorship is nearly always a form of denial, an attempt to hide a truth or limit its power.

If someone wants to write or shout something quite meaningless or uninteresting, then nobody takes much notice anyway. Censors reach for the blue pencil, the scissors, and the off switch when there really is something that most people want to know and a few people want to hide.


Every Thai government gets the urge to censor. In the political culture, there is a memory of the good times (for governments) when they could stop most criticism by one means or another. But over the past three decades, suppression has become more and more difficult. There is a growing audience of people who want to know what is going on, and hence an expanding business opportunity in supplying that demand. Even if government controls the mainstream electronic media and can heavy the press, there are other channels. Way back the popular method was leaflets. Then came faxes. Then SMS messaging and community radio. And now email, blogs and websites. This sequence has an important feature: the old forms were local, the new ones are global.


But censorship is not what it used to be. Consider the case of the royal biography which was banned in Thailand before the book's publication in the US last year. Despite the ban, photocopied versions circulated widely in Thailand even before the publication date. Purchase through online booksellers has not been too difficult. Parts of the book have been scanned and placed on the Web. Passages have been translated into Thai and also placed on the Web or circulated in other ways. Cheap illegal photocopied versions have been on sale furtively in the city. The content of the book has been widely discussed in Web forums.


Continued

Good column. My only complaint is that he chickened out and refused to say the name of the book, which is Why the King Never Smiles by Paul Handley. Other than that, I agree with the column. Also, I would love to know who the academics and journalists are that disagree with the censorship, because they can't be his patrons at The Nation.

Monday, March 5, 2007

Chang Noi: A Searing Indictment of the Coup (or the Monarchy)

A searing indictment of the coup

Many urban people welcomed the September 19 coup.

As the six-month anniversary approaches, more and more are having second thoughts. The government is stumbling, news from the charter drafters is depressing, southern violence gets worse, and Thailand's stock in the world sinks ever lower. Judging by current trends, it won't be long before Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont's falling ratings meet Thaksin Shinawatra's rising ones. Some blame this on Surayud personally. But others are asking the bigger questions: Why didn't the coup work? Was it a good idea to have a coup in the first place? And if not, why did it happen?


Last month, the magazine Fa Dieo Kan put out a special issue on the coup. The editor apologises upfront for making no pretence of even balance. This publication is unremittingly and furiously against the coup. The contents include articles, speeches, interviews and translations by 20 people, so there is no single argument, and much disagreement. But the book's overall message is daring, revealing and very challenging.


The cover tells it all. The graphic lampoons the generals' protests that it was not really a coup. The title is: "The Coup for Democracy with the King as Head of State." The book's first main point is that you cannot start to understand this coup, or current Thai politics at all, without confronting the role of the monarchical institution.


In these writers' usage, the monarchical institution is not an individual or family but a much larger collection of people including Privy councillors and royalist supporters. This monarchical institution is like a "black box" in economic or scientific theory. You cannot see inside so you don't know how it works. But you can see what it does and what the effects are on the outside world. Several of the writers argue that the major role of the black box in this coup is undeniable. You need only consider the role of Privy councillors both before and after. These writers then ask why this happened and what are the consequences?


Thongchai Winichakul answers these questions using a long perspective. The history of modern Thailand has tended to be written as good democrats combating bad soldiers. But the crucial battle of that war was fought in 1973, and the war ended by 1992. Instead Thongchai suggests the whole dreary history of coups from 1947 onwards should be seen as an attempt by self-serving elites to control the consequences of what happened in 1932. Their goal is not to return to monarchic rule, but to a form of elite rule that clings to the monarchy for legitimacy. But over time the politicians and the people have become pushier. One counter-strategy of the old elites is to go on and on about corruption and money politics. In itself, this criticism is not bad. But it can easily become a tool to discredit parliamentary politics as a whole, and overthrow the fundamental concept of democracy, the sovereignty of the people. In Thongchai's words, "If a government supported by a popular majority is only a 'jockey', then in the end the government machinery belongs to the king".


But how do such historical forces work in practice, in the present? After the coup, General Sonthi Boonyaratglin said he moved at "the request of the people". General Saprang Kalyanamitr let it slip that the planning took seven months, meaning it started in February 2006, amid the furore over the Shin Corp sale. Thanapol Eawsakul tracks back to that month to examine the genesis of the coup in fine detail.


Sondhi Limthongkul had begun his crusade several months before - wrapping himself in yellow, splashing "we will fight for the King" across his chest, and claiming to light a "dhamma candle" to spotlight Thaksin's evil. Sondhi created the idea that politics had become a contest between the prime minister and His Majesty the King. But his movement was stumbling. The rallies were dwindling and Sondhi's allegations of corruption were embarrassingly thin. The Shin Corp sale gave him a second chance.


A week later one of his future People's Alliance for Democracy allies, Somkiat Phongpaiboon wrote, "Please watch the royalist group and the Privy councillors, which Sondhi has called 'the return of the royal power'."


On February 4 of last year, Thaksin said he would resign if His Majesty whispered in his ear. That evening, Sondhi thundered from his rally stage, "Where is the army? This talk is enough to bring [Thaksin] to the execution post." That night he took a petition to Privy Council President General Prem Tinsulanonda. As he told the world the following day, the Bureau of the Royal Household was surprisingly open at 9pm as if ready to receive him. Sondhi also went to meet General Sonthi, and related later, "I asked [Sonthi], 'Are you going to stand by the people?' He nodded, 'I will stand by the people because I am a soldier of the King'."


From that point, Sondhi organised more rallies, but they did not build. He called for the use of Clause 7, but on April 25 His Majesty said that would be inappropriate. As Thanapol concludes, the coup happened because Sondhi issued an invitation to the Army to carry out the coup, and Sonthi B accepted the invitation.


Given these events, how can monarchy and democracy coexist for the long term, without regular crises? More people have begun to doubt that this coup was ever the solution to anything. This book argues that the big issue now is not the military or political corruption or populism, but how to prevent an elite minority controlling politics and keeping the masses as passive partners, in part by exploiting the symbolic power of the monarchy.

Chang Noi


Printing this article is gutsy. It is almost like writing a review of Why The King Never Smiles

What exactly is Chang Noi's agenda?

S/he should either review other's people work and be a critic or take a stand on an issue. Regurgitating what other people have written elsewhere is not journalism.

Nevertheless, I hope the guy isn't going to jail.

Monday, February 19, 2007

Deconstructing Chang Noi and Anek Laothamatas in The Nation: Two Scary Undemocratic Bigots

A prophet on Thailand's political future

A bigot for Thailand's future?


Prophets are people whose insights into the present make them shapers of the future.


Bigots like Anek are people who have insights that are universally condemned in civilized countries.


We listen because their predictions match our own hopes and fears. By subtly acting on their suggestions, we help to bring about the future they predict.


I couldn't have said it better myself. Chang Noi is admitting he shares Anek's hopes and fears for an socially and politically stratified Apartheid State for Thailand.


In the murk stirred up by Thaksin and the generals, prophets have a place. Usually we don't think of political scientists as prophets, but Anek Laothamatas fits the bill. Just over a decade ago, he asked a question which clicked with middle-class anxieties over the drift of Thai politics. How come the rural majority selects governments at the ballot box, and the urban minority throws them out by protest and scandals, resulting in chronic instability? His answer was that the rural electorate was trussed up by the patronage of local bosses. The solution was to tighten up rules to keep the bad guys out of Parliament, and get rural issues onto the agendas of political parties. This was not just political science but prophecy. The first solution inspired the 1997 constitution (chief drafter Borwornsak Uwanno acknowledged Anek's influence), and the second solution inspired the activists who compiled Thaksin's rural programme for the 2001 election.


This makes absolutely no sense at all. Chatichai, Barnharn, Chavalit, Chuan were chosen by the masses? I don't think so. And were they drummed out of power by the Bangkok middle class? First of all, all those politicians came to power through corrupt means, such as vote buying and intimidation by political canvassers. Not only that, they emerged as winners from party coalitions that were fragile. The masses weren't exactly clammering to make them Caesars. One could make the argument that only Thaksin has been the only person ever chosen by the masses and thrown out by the old elite.


So when Anek writes again, it's worth paying attention - not because we necessarily believe him, but because he senses middle-class hopes and fears, and has the power of the prophet to make his predictions come true.


If Ajarn Anek was a prophet he would have shown Mahachon the road to victory.


The question he asks this time is an old one, but brilliantly captures the mood: in a democracy, how can you prevent the tyranny of the majority?


This is a stupid question. The majority have never had power in Thailand, and to even suggest so is pure idiocy. But if it was a serious question in a serious context, then there must be a separation of powers. Why not get rid of the parliamentary system? Do it American style. Have three separate but equal branches of government: an executive, a legislative and a judiciary. Also, federalize the state and devolve power back to the provinces. Let them raise their own taxes and allow them to make their own policies. The best way to break up the power structure is to dilute power with a federal type system. Everybody is talking about sufficiency theory. Maybe it is about time to give the people their own political power and make them responsible for it instead of relying on all the so-called experts in Bangkok to act.


In his book, "Thaksina-prachaniyom" (Thaksin-style populism) Anek worries that Thaksin could be a signal of even worse to come. Thaksin gave people things they wanted, and was rewarded with massive support at the polls. Even if Thaksin and the Thai Rak Thai Party vanish from Thailand's political map, this populism will stay. Other leaders will copy it. Once one party offers people the moon, then its rivals must offer the moon and the stars. But Anek fears the risks are massive. The people become dependent on state handouts. The bureaucracy is politicised. The economy dives into the same kind of economic crises as populist Latin America. Society is sharply divided between the lower-class who benefit from populism, and the middle and upper classes who have to pay for it.


God, this is even more idiotic. First of all, these writers act as if the Thai tax payer has no right to the services that he works hard for. The politicians aren't giving away freebies. The government is providing services that every advanced industrialized country offers to its citizens. As for Latin America, most of those formerly troubled economies are booming now. And what pisses me off about this condescending attitude of providing basic government services for the peasantry is that the middle classes and the elite have been ripping off the Thai state for years with their corrupt ways. And what about the price supports that have subsidized food for Bangkok at the expense of the poor farmers who aren't getting the proper price for their goods.


Anek is not just working from theory. He left academia, joined the Democrat Party, and headed the team trying to craft a policy platform to rival the Thai Rak Thai Party. He switched to lead the Mahachon Party which was annihilated by Thai Rak Thai at the 2005 polls. When he argues that "Thaksin-type populism is very difficult to oppose", he knows what he's talking about.


That is cute. Anek is an expert because he is a consistent loser. Gotta love Thai logic at work.


Anek tries to avoid saying that rural people are just stupid and so are easily fooled. But in the end he compares populism to a magic spell (sakot) which renders people stunned, mobile, and unable to resist.


Anek says the peasantry is not stupid, yet says they are fooled by populist programs like magic. More Thai logic for you.


How then does one combat such populism? Anek's first answer is to advocate the modern welfarism of third-way thinkers like Anthony Giddens, using self-help systems and market mechanisms rather than state handouts. But he seems to lose heart in the prospect that such ideas could dazzle people at polling time. Instead he goes straight for a political solution.


What the fuck does this mean?


Anek argues that "pure democracy", the rule of the majority, is bound to lead to crude populism. "A better democracy is a balanced compromise between three elements: the representatives of the lower classes who are the majority in the country, the middle class, and the upper class." In this democracy, the only time when everybody has equal rights is when they drop their ballot paper in the box. After that "the importance of each person depends on knowledge, ability, experience, and status".


More stupidity. Pure democracy doesn't mean "the rule of the majority." Maybe Thailand is such a fucked up country because nobody understands basic political concepts. "A better democracy is a balanced compromise..."Yeah, to other people, it is called Apartheid when you politically disenfranchise the vast majority of the population. The only time a Thai citizen has equal rights is when he votes? Jesus, this fucker is scary. And then a person's political worth depends only on their status? Seriously, this is some scary shit. If Anek applied his rules to himself, he would have to be politically ostracized for being an idiot.


That means special roles for people Anek calls ekaburut and apichon. He translates the first as monarchy, but insists this is not simply equivalent to royalty but "a few outstanding people at the highest level of society who command public trust". The latter he translates as aristocrats. It includes the middle and upper classes in general, but with a special role for people like the samurai in Japan or knights in medieval Europe who had proved themselves in battle. In the Thai case that would seem to mean the military, but Anek also mentions "top intellectuals and senior journalists".


Special roles for the elite. What exactly has changed? He is basically describing how the country has always been run. What is the difference? He is saying that the same corrupt people should run the country and the masses should go fuck themselves with unequal status.


Anek claims this mixed system has been the basis of the Thai political system since October 1973.


But, Anek concedes the political system cannot survive simply through chancy interventions. For the longer term, three things are needed.


The countryside has to be transformed to become more self-reliant. Anek argues this will "benefit the urban middle class because grassroots people will no longer provide the foundations for populism".


More bullshit. Be more self-reliant? How exactly is the peasantry dependent on the state? He is saying that Bangkok middle class should ignore the dopey peasants, because they are stupid and believe anything that the Bangkok politicians tell them. Again, more idiotic, bigoted Thai logic.


The lower classes have to be educated politically so they learn discipline and morality, and "upgrade their political demands" to be no longer merely self-interested but conscious of social and national benefit. This will ensure that "democracy does not give the opportunity for just anybody to exploit the weakness and short-term self-interest of the people to create policies which are irresponsible to society and nation".


The lower classes have to learn discipline and morality? And this is coming from an elite that continues to steal from the state in order to finance their whores, their jewels, their mansions, their trips abroad, and their expensive cars?


The two-party system has to go because this inevitably leads to competing populism.


How does a two-party system lead to populism? Thailand has never had a two party system, so what the fuck is he talking about.


The fact that this last point has already been taken up by the drafters of the constitution is proof that Anek is still a prophet worth listening to. The implication of the book as a whole is that the constitution should increase the power of the middle and upper classes.


So basically more of the same. The same idiotic intellectuals and criminal politicians will run the show at the political expense of the masses, the backbone of the country.


What is most striking about the book is what is missing. In his message a decade ago, Anek stressed that the division in Thai politics between city and village was founded on a massive, unfair, and hugely resented division in income, rights, and privilege. Closing that gap was a priority. In this book, the message is still there, but buried deep. Managing the political consequences of that gap is now the priority.


What is striking is what is missing? God, this writer is an idiot. This last paragraph contradicts the entire rest of the column. In this article, he says Anek is advocating an elite centered political system, yet says that Anek argued that elite "democracy" was the primary source of Thailand's political problems a decade ago. Seriously, this shit makes no sense at all. And then he ends the column by saying that the problem was the wide gap between the classes, but now the problem is managing the wide gap? Huh?

Government of the people, by the elite, for the middle class.

Chang Noi


By the way, a column like this would never get published in the West because it basically states that poor, brown upcountry folk are too stupid, too immoral and too undisciplined to partake in democratic politics.


But, of course, this is Thailand, where racist and fascist political notions reign supreme and nobody ever calls bigots out on their shit.


It is good that ideas like these get printed, however, because then the masses can see what the elite really thinks of them.

But Mein Kampf also got printed and being aware of what Hitler planned didn't necessarily stop his political juggernaut from happening.