Irrawaddy: On Thai Nationalism

The Pros and Cons of Thai Nationalism

By Pavin Chachavalpongpun

February 28, 2007

In the world of political trend-setting, nationalism is never unfashionable. This is very true in the case of Thailand, where nationalism possesses supreme power in the minds of the elites and the ordinary people alike. Although in fact ill-defined, nationalism drives nations into conflicts and demands sacrifice by the people for what is ultimately deemed to be national survival.

The release of the film epic “The Legend of King Naresuan” signals once again that nationalist sentiment has never faded in the Thai consciousness. Beyond its entertaining quality, this epic film has effectively renewed a sense of nationalism in every Thai during one of the most critical times in the country’s modern history.

Why does a country need to instill a sense of nationalism? Nationalism is a powerful socio-political tool, molded and remolded by national elites in order to seek popular support for their policies and more essentially their legitimate rules. Presently, nationalism is no longer invented in the state’s backyard alone. Big conglomerates employ nationalism to fulfill their commercial thirsts, too.

However, what Thailand is experiencing has nothing much to do with defending itself against external enemies—such as Burma being painted as Siam’s perpetual adversary. The current scene pertains to the competing hegemony between two political entities, the military government and former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. The battlefield has extended beyond domestic politics; it also creeps into the realm of Thailand’s foreign relations.

What appears now is the clash between two types of Thai nationalism that cause a massive impact on social divisiveness. There are no judges or referees. There is no silent audience. Each side fans the flame of nationalism to attest that its own brand of patriotism is more genuine than the other’s.

In employing nationalism against each other, the military government and Thaksin have been exercising three important steps as main elements of their winning strategies.

The first is to prove their legitimacy and mandate to rule. The military staged the September 19 coup on the grounds that the Thaksin government lacked legitimacy, being involved in large-scale corruption and instigating social divisiveness. More serious was the allegation that the deposed premier had lost respect for the monarchy. He might have forgotten that the royal institution is one of the three pillars of the Thai national identity.

Once Thaksin was ousted from office, he turned the tables by accusing the National Security Council of breaching the people’s aspiration for democracy, overthrowing an elected government by unconstitutional means and tarnishing Thailand’s reputation as a democratic defender on the international stage. To Thaksin, all forms of non-democratic government are illegitimate and hence unnatural to the Thai nation, whose meaning is nothing more than love of freedom.

The second step is to depict the image of the enemy. In every fight in the name of nationalism, the existence of an enemy is quintessential. Under the current government, Thaksin is being treated as someone even more alien than any of Thailand’s historical enemies, such as the Burmese or the communists. Thaksin has been conceived as sharing qualities of those outside the national realm, as a threat to national unity and national institutions.

On many occasions in which Thaksin was alleged to be referring to the monarchical institution in an improper way—such as when he said he would relinquish power if His Majesty the King as much as whispered in his ear—he immediately became a threat to the nation, considering how sanctified the monarchy is within the Thai state.

In return, Thaksin and his followers branded the military government an enemy to Thailand’s democracy, claiming it effectively moved the country back a few decades to a time when despotism flourished. The self-appointed military government, in Thaksin’s eyes, went against the global wave of democratization, which would also generate negative repercussions on economic development.

The presence of an enemy provides legitimacy to both sides while increasing their political influence. But again, this raises an interesting question—whether the necessity of having an enemy might further divide the already fragile Thai society.

The third step is to collect public support. The force of nationalism is sustained by a sizeable public backing. The race to win public support has therefore been fierce. While Thaksin has been counting on his supporters at the grass-roots level, who in the past benefited from his populist programs, such as 30-baht healthcare and the OTOP scheme, the military government has sought understanding from Bangkok’s middle-class and royalists in the countryside.

Judging from where the wind blew at the beginning, the situation suggested that the race to gain public approval was really about the struggle between the good guys versus the bad. The military government represented the good when it claimed to tightly uphold respect for the monarchy and vowed to get rid of immoral politicians. That explained why the public in general chose not to condemn the coup of September 19.

But just as one cannot predict which way the wind will blow next, the public is showing signs of growing tired with the current regime. Most Thais, not necessarily those in the pro-Thaksin camp, are exhausted with the mounting troubles in Thai politics, ranging from the conflicts in the South to the Shin-Temasek deal saga and the inability to find any wrongdoings attributable to Thaksin while he was in power.

These three steps are guides to the resurgence of Thai nationalism. On the down side, it engenders social fragmentation and the healing process may take years. On the bright side, different thoughts and opinions as a result of competing nationalisms are the commended practice in a vibrant society. Unity is not always the ultimate goal of democracy.

Dr Pavin Chachavalpongpun, a Singapore-based Thai academic, is the author of "A Plastic Nation: The Curse of Thainess in Thai-Burmese Relations"

I'm not going to deconstruct this article right now. It is a badly written piece. But I like the photo of King Naresuan.

While General Sonthi Bangs the Drums of Bang Rajan, Singapore Wonders What's Up

Govt downplays Gen Sonthi's remark over satellites


The government downplayed on Saturday the junta leader's latest remarks, where he stated a desire to retrieve national assets, especially satellites, sold to the city state by ousted prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra.


Government spokesman Yongyuth Maiyalarp said Gen Sonthi Boonyaratglin was just expressing his opinion.

"Gen Sonthi just expressed his opinion which I think many Thais agree. However, details have to be discussed if we really want to retrieve the satellites from Singapore to see whether it would be worthwhile. The Ministry of Information and Communication Technology will be in charge if we decide to do so," the spokesman said.

Both Yongyuth and Foreign Minister Nitya Pibulsonggram said Sonthi's remarks would not harm relations with the island state, although Nitya admitted matters were strained between the two countries.

Foreign Ministry spokesman Kitti Wasinondh said: "What Gen Sonthi said has to be taken in context. The remarks were made for that particular audience. The whole issue should just fade away."

In his speech to defence students on Friday, Sonthi said: "I want to get back the national assets that were bought for Bt140 billion, particularly the satellites."

Singapore seeks clarification of Thai junta leader's remarks



SINGAPORE - Singapore wants Thailand to clarify remarks made by its junta leader that he plans to take back control of satellites run by a firm sold to the city-state's Temasek Holdings, the foreign ministry said.

"Singapore is surprised at what Council for National Security Chief Sonthi Boonyaratglin was reported to have said about getting back Thai national assets which have been sold to foreigners," a foreign ministry spokesman said late Friday.

"We should wait for the Thai Government to clarify what those remarks meant."

Nitya: Sonthi 'tests' Singapore ties


Foreign Minister Nitya Pibulsonggram declined to comment on Friday's remarks made by Council for National Security chairman that he wanted to bring the Shin Corp satellite firm sold to Singapore, but conceded that bilateral relations are now being tested.


Speaking during a live television broadcast Saturday, Nitya Pibulsonggram said he did not have details on yesterday's remarks by Gen. Sonthi Boonyaratkalin but that he had followed the issue through the media and the remarks should be clarified first.


He admitted that relations between Thailand and Singapore are still being tested.

I don't get Singapore. Singapore is the only First World country in Southeast Asia. It is an incredibly successful country. It has good universities with smart professors. Why it went through with the Shin Group deal without doing a political/economic risk analysis is beyond my imagination.

Stupid Mistake #1. Why would Singapore trust Thaksin and the Thai government? Thaksin is not an honest man. The Thai Government is a corrupt institution. Both have never shown any signs of integrity. Why would Singapore give two billions dollars to Thaksin when he obviously was a man who could not be trusted on any level?

Stupid Mistake #2. Why would the Singapore Government engage in a risky nominee scheme regarding 2 billion dollars worth of assets? The Temasek/Shin deal smelled. That kind of deal should have been legally transparent. Unfortunately, this deal was not the only one of its kind. Many foreigners and foreign companies, with the advice of Thai lawyers who make millions designing these agreements, were using the nominee loopholes to get around the foreign ownership restrictions. Foreigners have been using these loopholes for years without problems. Unfortunately, Thaksin was the John Mark Karr of Thai politics, so he got the spotlight shined onto the whole sordid nominee mess.

The new FBA is supposed to close the loopholes, but what about the thousands of foreign companies that are structured using the dodgy nominee loophole scheme?

Thais will use the excuse of clarifying the law to cheat foreigners, which is the primary motive behind the reform.

And this is why so many foreigners are upset.

What exactly will happen to all those companies that will be forced to reorganize? They either have to sell outright or find a legitimate Thai partner. But what if they can't sell or find a legitimate Thai partner? What happens then? Many foreigners will be forced to sell their companies and assets at fire sale prices or end up dumping everything at a huge loss. Guess who will be around to pick up the pieces? The same forces that are promulgating the new FBA and their military backers.

If foreigners don't get that the FBA is a conspiracy against them by greedy reactionary right-wing forces, then they are dumber than I thought and they deserve to lose their money.

In a way a feel bad for Singapore because their primary intention was to do a business deal and make money, but before it signed the papers it should have done its due diligence. Thailand has a long history of screwing foreigners out of the their money. For Chrissakes, it is the national pasttime.

This is my prediction for the Shin Group companies. I will read between the lines and translate for my audience.

This military junta will go after Singapore's Shin Groups assets by using the law and with some wild eyed nationalism. They will make it so unbearable for Singapore to do business that it will be forced to sell the assets back to Thailand or a group of Thai businessmen who are front men for the junta for a cheap price. Just pay attention to what is happening with iTV presently. The scam has already started.


After the junta has finished screwing Singapore, Thaksin will come back with his 2 billion in the bank. All will be forgiven. Of course, he will have to pay a forgiveness fee to the generals. But, in the end, Thaksin and the generals will have made billions off of Singapore and will get the Shin Group assets back to boot. And while the world looks on with a mixture of horror and admiration, Thaksin, the generals and their cronies will be in a high end massage parlor laughing themselves silly about how they screwed the dumb foreigners.


This is the nature of Thai politics and business. If foreigners are too lazy to do their homework concerning how the Thai mind works, they deserve to lose their shirts.


Foreigners should know better. From the minute they get off the plane to the minute they go home, the Thais are trying to rob them blind in every way imaginable. It is the nature of the Thai beast.


So it always surprises me when foreigners are surprised that they have been scammed.


And the current Thai/Singapore spat is nothing but another Thai scam--except on a much larger level.